If Congress can’t oversee the FBI, who can?

The Federal Bureau of Investigation remains a crime scene.

Recent reporting by John Solomon and Jerry Dunleavy adds more evidence that a once-vaunted law enforcement agency was used for overtly political purposes for nearly a decade, starting in 2016. Documents and interviews cited by Just the News describe four consecutive code-named countersurveillance operations that cast a dragnet around President Trump and his supporters.

The time for mean tweets and angry letters is over. If the republic matters, fundamental reform must happen now.

The files for these operations — Crossfire Hurricane, Round River, Plasmic Echo, and Arctic Frost — were reportedly tucked into “prohibited access” files, shielding them from routine disclosure and keeping them under the control of senior FBI leadership and those who knew where to look.

This reporting reopens a question Washington keeps trying to close: What does real FBI reform look like?

We are not dealing with a handful of discreet scandals. We are dealing with a pattern that was enabled by a systemically broken and corrupted agency. A scalpel won’t fix it. Only a sledgehammer will do — followed by a rebuild.

The fork in the road

The road to FBI reform is long, and the last year has been bumpy — with more than a few premature victory laps. This moment offers an opportunity to get the agenda back on track.

The fork in the road is simple: Continue with a piecemeal approach — or revive the demand for total accountability, not only for individuals but for the institution itself.

Yes, good people work there. That’s not the issue. The problem lies in the parts of the bureau most capable of using FBI authorities for political ends — federal public corruption, counterintelligence, and domestic terrorism — where ideological activism too often becomes a job requirement.

A decade-long pattern

Over the last 10 years, the FBI has engaged in an unbroken series of ideologically driven investigations targeting conservatives. That includes scorched-earth investigations of President Trump on the thinnest of pretexts — while, at the same time, the bureau appeared to show far less urgency toward well-documented questions involving the Biden family’s foreign-influence and money-trail allegations, including reports of millions of dollars routed to multiple Biden family members through a network of 20 shell companies.

The bureau also deviated from law, policy, and investigative procedure in ways that protected Hillary Clinton from the full consequences of her misconduct, while applying a very different standard to President Trump and those around him.

Worse, recent reporting suggests a sweeping, coordinated effort — more reminiscent of the old East German Stasi than a constitutional law enforcement agency — to suppress politically damaging evidence under laughable pretexts.

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Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images

Far beyond a single case

The pattern extends well beyond these investigations.

• The FBI interfered in elections on a scale Americans had never seen.
• The bureau helped censor First Amendment-protected speech at industrial scale.
• FBI directors and senior officials routinely misled Congress.
• The FBI stonewalled congressional oversight demands.
• The bureau smeared peaceful dissenting groups — including faithful Catholics — as potential domestic extremists, as if disagreement with progressive orthodoxies amounts to a predisposition to violence.
• The FBI routinely slow-walked or obstructed transparency obligations, including FOIA-driven document production.
• The bureau benefited from a stable of media stenographers at legacy outlets whose livelihoods depend on illegal leaks and unchallenged talking points that reliably advance the same ideological narratives.
• The FBI abused its authority in ways that look less like policing and more like intimidation: targeting families, punishing speech, and applying radically different enforcement standards depending on the target’s politics.

The FBI cannot fix itself

The FBI has not meaningfully corrected itself after repeated exposures. In case after case, the bureau offers the same ritual: Mistakes were made; things are not as bad as they look; reforms are under way; no one should worry. Then nothing changes.

One recent example says it all: A deputy assistant director of counterintelligence had the audacity to advise Congress that she had not read — or even been briefed on — the Durham report’s findings. That posture is not reform. It is contempt.

As of today, FBI senior leadership includes people who participated in these abuses or watched them unfold and did nothing. How many are now subverting efforts to expose the truth by slow-walking document production, limiting evidence releases, and dribbling out incomplete records?

The time for mean tweets and angry letters is over. If the republic matters, fundamental reform must happen now.

Start with the sacred cow

The first step is taking on the FBI’s most protected function: counterintelligence.

Israel’s Shin Bet and Britain’s MI5 offer an important contrast. Their governments separate intelligence collection from law enforcement power. Those agencies gather intelligence. They do not carry routine arrest and prosecution authority. That structural separation limits the risk of domestic spying on political dissidents and helps prevent the rise of an unaccountable secret-police state.

The FBI has repeatedly proven itself incapable of maintaining that boundary. It has refused congressional oversight, abused its powers, and used intelligence authorities to subvert a duly elected president. That cannot continue.

Reform means separating intelligence collection from domestic law enforcement. Strip the FBI of its counterintelligence function and reassign it to an intelligence agency that lacks routine police powers and is subject to tighter controls.

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Photo by Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

Reform that imposes consequences

This step should set the tone for what follows.

There must be prosecutions for civil rights violations committed under color of law. There must be large-scale reassignments for those involved — not only the shot-callers but the enabling middle management that kept the machinery running.

Transparency and oversight need a full overhaul. Selective briefings to a handful of congressional offices have become a substitute for systemic reform. That approach has trained the public to tune out. People can’t absorb yet another “shocking” revelation that produces nothing but hearings and headlines.

Instead, the government should dump documents directly to the public — at scale — so that independent investigators can mine them. What a few gatekeepers do now should be done by many. The oversight and FOIA machinery is broken by design, and bureaucrats use delay as a veto.

One example should alarm every American: the FBI’s cozy relationship with Netflix. If the country’s dominant cultural propaganda machine coordinated with federal law enforcement, the public has a right to know. Those documents should not be trapped in the decaying Hoover Building.

This won’t be easy. It was never supposed to be.

The first year has been rocky. Now comes the test: whether the people in charge will rediscover the courage to destroy what is broken — before it can be turned back against Americans again.