How Trump can fix his endorsement problem

You might not know it by watching algorithmically approved conservative media, but we are in the thick of primary season, with important red-state primaries taking place nearly every Tuesday. In most states, the primary outcomes these weeks will be of greater consequence than the general election in November.

Sadly, special interest-supporting liberal Republicans will likely win most races — often thanks to Trump’s support. However, last week’s Indiana Senate elections demonstrated that it doesn’t have to be that way.

Trump has scared away quality challengers in every single congressional primary by reflexively endorsing incumbents.

Last week, we were entreated to what it looks like to finally have a unified and organized movement. A group of liberal Republicans in the Indiana Senate blocked a core party initiative; in this case, it was redistricting, and all but one target was defeated.

Thanks to Trump endorsements and support from Turning Point USA, the Club for Growth, and Indiana Sen. Jim Banks (R), six or seven state senators were defeated. Along with two more conservatives who won in open districts, a quarter of the entire Senate GOP conference shifted to the right, meaning they will likely have the votes to replace the Senate president.

This victory raises an obvious question: How come we don’t see united movements in other red states to replace entrenched groups of liberal Republicans who buck the party platform and betray their voters?

Instead, we often see Trump endorse those incumbents, who then attack the few conservatives we currently have in legislative chambers. If Trump would only endorse the way he did in Indiana, we’d change the party in one election cycle. Unfortunately, in almost every other primary, the president has been a net liability.

Even in Indiana, the president was something of a double-edged sword, as he successfully re-elected two Senate RINOs — Liz Brown and Ron Alting — simply because they voted for redistricting, but they were horrible on numerous other issues. Jim Banks himself opposed Alting because he was a champion of transgenderism and illegal aliens.

In Congress, both Reps. Jefferson Shreve (Ind. 6) and Jim Baird (Ind. 4) were vulnerable. Shreve only won his race by five points, which means Trump’s endorsement likely made a difference. Baird is one of the original sponsors of Florida Republican Rep. Maria Salazar’s amnesty bill.

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Looking ahead to Idaho’s upcoming primary, conservatives are outraged over a video surfacing from Gov. Brad Little (R) lambasting those who oppose illegal immigration. The Freedom Caucus in the state has tried to shut off illegal labor, but Little and his allies are not only blocking those bills, they are funding challengers against the conservatives.

Little has been a thorn in the side of conservatives for years and only received 60% in his re-election during the 2022 primary. It was well understood that he’d have a hard time running for a third term in 2026, but he preemptively secured Trump’s endorsement, which all but ensured that quality candidates like Attorney General Raul Labrador could not get into the race.

Numerous primaries have already been canceled because of Trump’s endorsements.

Before he was assassinated, Charlie Kirk had endorsed Nate Morris for Mitch McConnell’s Senate seat in Kentucky. Earlier this month, Trump endorsed establishment Rep. Andy Barr (R-Ky.), forcing Morris out of the race in exchange for an ambassadorship.

Meanwhile, Trump has scared away quality challengers in every single congressional primary by reflexively endorsing incumbents. The only incumbent he is trying to unseat is Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.). As a conservative, I have some disagreements with Massie on Hamas, Islam, crime, drugs, and immigration in general, but we all know that Trump singling him out has more to do with Massie’s dissent on the issues we do agree on.

Then, of course, there is Republican Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, who just won yet another term thanks to a Trump endorsement. Conservatives complain bitterly about RINO senators wasting deep red states and undermining our ability to accomplish anything. Well, Capito is ground zero for this mismatch.

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In a state Trump won by 40 points, Capito is liberal on both fiscal and social issues and embodies the special interest and lack of heart, brain, and soul of the geriatric Senate GOP Conference that was led by Mitch McConnell.

Tom Willis, who was a state senator and Green Beret, was a viable challenger. Trump could have easily endorsed him and kept the seat in conservative hands, but he handed Capito another term. Capito also bankrolled a number of RINOs in the legislature who successfully fended off conservative challengers.

As conservatives scramble to push redistricting in southern states in light of a recent Supreme Court ruling, those who have slept through 10 years of Trump’s primary sabotage are surprised to find many RINOs in these supermajority Republican states who are recalcitrant to fully eliminate Democrat districts.

Tyler Bowyer, CEO of Turning Point Action, observed, “In deep red states like Indiana, Mississippi, Alabama — a large percentage of 'moderate republicans' are actually Democrats.”

The State Freedom Caucus Network has been valiantly fighting these people who have consistently been buttressed by Trump endorsements. The water is warm. It would be nice for conservative leaders with large followers or millions of dollars in PAC money to actually lead Trump rather than follow him and support the foot soldiers who are risking their livelihoods and careers to fight for the issues they post about.